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AEBC
SEMINAR ON PUBLIC ATTITUDES RESEARCH
Tuesday 16th January 2001
The
Research Approach of CSEC, Lancaster
A note by Brian Wynne, Jan 7th 2001
Our approach
to understanding what shapes public responses to technologies like
GMOs is of course a collective enterprise. Thus it is always discursively
evolving and not at all rigidly unified. Nevertheless the following
features might be regarded as a common set of theoretical, methodological
and 'political' principles which guide our work. This approach has
been developed since the 1970s through work on public attitudes in
several different fields like nuclear power, chemical pesticides,
major-hazard industrial plants, chemical and nuclear wastes, as well
as - more recently - GMOs. For reasons outlined below our 'public
attitudes' work has also usually been accompanied by work analysing
the corresponding institutional constructions of risk, risk issues
and public perceptions. It has also been informed by a fairly close
and active involvement of its senior researchers in policy debates,
policy analytic processes and advice - reflected in the origins of
the present meeting. This policy involvement is a deliberate part
of our research-learning model, and not just seen as post-research
dissemination.
Philosophically-speaking
we start from a decidedly non-positivistic stance towards social science
and its possibilities. We are interested in meanings, and we are oriented
towards cultural processes, which requires us to be interested in
tacit, unconscious processes as well as explicit reasoned ones.
It has
been recognised for a long time - since at least the 1920s - that
in principle, natural science observation involves interference with
the object(s) being studied (though of course in many situations the
energy transfers involved in the act of observation are so relatively
small as to mean there is no significant disruption of the object).
In social science this is true with bells on. The questions we ask,
and the way we ask them, inevitably affect the 'answers' we receive
from human actors. Moreover social research involves human actors
who are actively constructing meanings for themselves. We can connect
this with attitudes by noting that the assumed or identified object
of a human subject's attitude indicates the meaning of that issue
for that human subject. Thus as researchers interested in the formation
and expression of public attitudes we cannot presume to know a priori
what the 'object' of any person's attitude is - their meanings may
legitimately differ from those of policy experts, or researchers.
That is, as researchers we should not presume what the meaning of
public issues is to members of the public - this must first itself
be researched. For example in daily public policy discourse and in
some social science research it is presumed that the object of public
attitudes is 'risk', and what is more, 'risk' as defined by particular
scientific institutions or disciplinary cultures. Hence the misleading
language is used, of these issues as 'risk issues'. 'Risk' (as defined
in a particular way) is being inserted and imposed as the presumed
object of attitudes, or the presumed meaning of 'the' issue, without
first open-endedly exploring whether this is the case. Thus we are
interested in using methods which allow this relatively open-ended
exploration of autonomous framings or meanings, as a frequently neglected
yet crucial first stage in public attitudes research which might enlighten
policy.
This
point raises the further one that we should not presume to know what
it is that publics are responding to, when we try to understand these
responses. Although this might sound an obvious point, it is surprising
and disappointing to see how often it is ignored in practice. Thus
public attitudes and responses might be to:
-
Risk magnitudes
-
Risk-qualities (eg voluntariness, distribution, trend, etc as in
psychometrics 'attributes')
-
The technology as a whole social experience and projection
-
Institutional (mis)management of those risks,
-
Dominant institutional definitions of the issue as imposed in official
approaches (eg neglect of dimensions and variables which are salient
to the public - autocratic imposition of meanings)
-
Dominant definitions of the public (eg as ignorant, prone to hysteria,
instrumental only, individualistic) implicit in expert discourses
of the issues (and maybe in some research approaches?)
(These of course are not mutually exclusive options)
This underlines the reasons for our commitment to understanding
public attitudes in relation to expert-institutional behaviour,
including how they construct public knowledge. It is artificial
to take such attitude formation processes out of context, even if
in practice this always calls for compromises.
A key
part of this approach is the belief that we can have no reassurance
that if such meanings-dislocation does prevail and our presumptions
about meanings and objects of attitudes are wrong, then our respondents
will explicitly and clearly correct them. We believe that public responses
in research interactions, whether surveys, focus groups, or whatever,
are more complex and often less direct than this putative reassurance
would imply.
Several
important methodological and research-policy points flow from this:
- Our research is necessarily interpretive. This is true of all research
on public attitudes, and the key question is where, and how explicitly
and reflexively, are such interpretive commitments made, and how are
they to be critically evaluated by peers and by those they aspire
to represent;
- Much of the valuable understanding comes from addressing what is
not being said as well as what is being said;
- Observation methods for this approach are best which allow interactive
expression of meanings and attitudes. Thus discussion-groups have
a particular value, though like any other method they cannot claim
to provide unique
- Validation and amendment of our interpretive efforts has to be from
peers and as far as possible also from the public which these representations
claim to stand for. It cannot claim to come from data alone, and any
research method which does make such a claim must ipso-facto be suspect;
- Our efforts to construct authentically-representative interpretations
of public attitudes and their shaping factors cannot be validated
just by measuring them against supposedly 'true, objective' public
attitudes as one might hope for these to be expressed in public-domain
validation. In addition to this kind of validation there is an irreducible
element of interference by the 'research finding' on the attitude
it is supposed to be representing and testing itself against. This
cannot be avoided, and our research should acknowledge this role and
the responsibilities which come with it.
Brian
Wynne,
Lancaster University
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